By Martin Fackler
FUTABA, Japan » Futaba is a  modern-day ghost town — not a boomtown gone bust, not even entirely a  victim of the devastating earthquake and tsunami that leveled other  parts of Japan’s northeast coast.
Its traditional wooden homes  have begun to sag and collapse since they were abandoned in March by  residents fleeing the nuclear plant on the edge of town that began  spiraling toward disaster. Roofs possibly damaged by the earth’s shaking  have let rain seep in, starting the rot that is eating at the houses  from the inside.
The roadway arch at the entrance to the empty town almost seems a taunt. It reads:
“Nuclear energy: a correct understanding brings a prosperous lifestyle.”
Those who fled Futaba are among  the nearly 90,000 people evacuated from a 12-mile zone around the  Fukushima Daiichi plant and another area to the northwest contaminated  when a plume from the plant scattered radioactive cesium and iodine.
Now, Japan is drawing up plans  for a cleanup that is both monumental and unprecedented, in the hopes  that those displaced can go home.
The debate over whether to  repopulate the area, if trial cleanups prove effective, has become a  proxy for a larger battle over the future of Japan. Supporters see  rehabilitating the area as a chance to showcase the country’s formidable  determination and superior technical know-how — proof that Japan is  still a great power.
For them, the cleanup is a perfect metaphor for Japan’s rebirth.
Critics counter that the effort  to clean Fukushima prefecture could end up as perhaps the biggest of  Japan’s white-elephant public works projects — and yet another example  of post-disaster Japan reverting to the wasteful ways that have crippled  economic growth for two decades.
So far, the government is  following a pattern set since the nuclear accident, dismissing dangers,  often prematurely, laboring to minimize the scope of the catastrophe.  Already, the trial cleanups have stalled: The government failed to  anticipate communities’ reluctance to store tons of soil to be scraped  from contaminated yards and fields.
And a radiation specialist who  tested the results of an extensive local cleanup in a nearby city found  that exposure levels remained above international safety standards.
Even a vocal supporter of  repatriation suggests that the government has not yet leveled with its  people about the seriousness of their predicament.
“I believe it is possible to  save Fukushima,” said the supporter, Tatsuhiko Kodama, director of the  Radioisotope Center at the University of Tokyo. “But many evacuated  residents must accept that it won’t happen in their lifetimes.”
To judge the huge scale of what  Japan is attempting, consider that experts say residents can return home  safely only after thousands of buildings are scrubbed of radioactive  particles and much of the topsoil from an area the size of Connecticut  is replaced.
That is not all: Even forested  mountains will probably need to be decontaminated, which might  necessitate clear-cutting and literally scraping them clean.
The Soviet Union did not attempt  such a cleanup after the Chernobyl accident of 1986, the only nuclear  disaster larger than that at Fukushima Daiichi. The government instead  relocated about 300,000 people, abandoning vast tracts of farmland.
Many Japanese officials believe  that they do not have that luxury; the evacuation zone covers about  5,200 square miles, more than 3 percent of the landmass of this densely  populated nation.
“We are different from  Chernobyl,” said Toshitsuna Watanabe, 64, the mayor of Okuma, one of the  towns that was evacuated. “We are determined to go back. Japan has the  will and the technology to do this.”
Such resolve reflects, in part, a  deep attachment to home for rural Japanese like Watanabe, whose family  has lived in Okuma for 19 generations. Their heartfelt appeals to go  back have won wide sympathy across Japan, making it hard for people to  oppose their wishes in public.
But quiet resistance has begun  to grow, both among those who were displaced and those who fear the  country will need to sacrifice too much without guarantees that a  multibillion-dollar cleanup will provide enough protection.
Soothing pronouncements by local  governments and academics about the eventual ability to live safely  near the ruined plant can seem to be based on little more than hope.
No one knows how much exposure  to low doses of radiation causes a significant risk of premature death.  That means Japanese living in contaminated areas are likely to become  the subjects of future studies — the second time in seven decades that  Japanese have become a test case for the effects of radiation exposure,  after the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The national government has  declared itself responsible for cleaning up only the towns in the  evacuation zone; local governments have already begun cleaning cities  and towns outside that area.
Inside the 12-mile ring, which  includes Futaba, the Environmental Ministry has pledged to reduce  radiation levels by half within two years — a relatively easy goal  because short-lived isotopes will deteriorate. The bigger question is  how long it will take to reach the ultimate goal of bringing levels down  to about 1 millisievert per year, the annual limit for the general  public from artificial sources of radiation that is recommended by the  International Commission on Radiological Protection. That is a much more  daunting task given that it will require removing cesium 137, an  isotope that has a half-life of 30 years, meaning it will remain  radioactive for decades.
Trial cleanups have been delayed  for months by the search for a storage site for as much as 1.4 billion  cubic feet of contaminated dirt — enough to fill 33 domed football  stadiums. Even evacuated communities have refused to accept it.
And Tomoya Yamauchi, the  radiation expert from Kobe University who performed tests in Fukushima  City after extensive remediation efforts, found that radiation levels  inside homes had dropped by only about 25 percent. That left parts of  the city with levels of radiation four times higher than the recommended  maximum exposure.
“We can only conclude that these efforts have so far been a failure,” he said.
Minamisoma, a small city whose  center sits about 15 miles from the nuclear plant, is a good place to  get a sense of the likely limitations of decontamination efforts.
The city has cleaned dozens of  schools, parks and sports facilities in hopes of enticing back the  30,000 of its 70,000 residents who have yet to return since the  accident.
So far, city officials say, only a few hundred have come back.
On a recent morning, a small  army of bulldozers and dump trucks were resurfacing a high school soccer  field and baseball diamond with a layer of reddish brown dirt. Workers  buried the old topsoil in a deep hole in a corner of the soccer field  because they had nowhere else to put it.
The crew’s overseer, Masahiro  Sakura, said readings at the field had dropped substantially, but he  remains anxious because many parts of the city were not expected to be  decontaminated for at least two years.
These days, he lets his three young daughters outdoors only to go to school and play in a resurfaced park.
“Is it realistic to live like this?” he asked.
Tokio Hayama, a city official in  charge of the cleanup, acknowledged such concerns. “No one has ever  cleaned an entire city of radiation before,” he said. “It will probably  take 100 years.”
The challenges are sure to be  more intense inside the 12-mile zone, where radiation levels in some  places have reached nearly 510 millisieverts a year, 25 times above the  cutoff for evacuation.
Already, the proposed  repatriation has opened rifts among those who have been displaced. The  11,500 displaced residents of Okuma — many of whom now live in rows of  prefabricated homes 60 miles inland — are enduring just such a divide.
The mayor, Watanabe, has  directed the town to draw up its own plan to return to its original  location within three to five years by building a new town on farmland  in Okuma’s less contaminated western edge.
Although Watanabe won a recent  election, his challenger found significant support among residents with  small children who were attracted to his plan to relocate to a different  part of Japan. Mitsue Ikeda, one supporter, said she would never go  home, especially after a medical exam showed that her 8-year-old son,  Yuma, had ingested cesium, making her fearful for his future health.
“It’s too dangerous,” Ikeda, 47, said. “How are we supposed to live, by wearing face masks all the time?”
She, like many other evacuees,  berated the government, saying it was fixated on cleaning up to avoid  paying compensation that would allow evacuees to move away.
Many older residents, by contrast, said they should be allowed to return, even if at their own risk.
“Smoking cigarettes is more  dangerous than radiation,” said Eiichi Tsukamoto, 70, who worked at the  Daiichi plant for 40 years as a repairman. “We can make Okuma a model to  the world of how to restore a community after a nuclear accident.”
But even Kodama, the radiation  expert who supports a government cleanup, said such a victory would be  hollow and short-lived if young people did not return. He suggested that  the government start rebuilding communities by rebuilding trust eroded  over months of official evasion.
“Saving Fukushima requires not  just money and effort, but also faith,” he said. “There is no point if  only older people go back.”







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